Moniza Alvis Presents from my Aunts in Pakistan Essay -- English Lite

Moniza Alvi's Presents from my Aunts in Pakistan Moniza Alvi was conceived in Lahore, in Pakistan, the girl of a Pakistani dad and an English mother. She moved to Hatfield in Britain when she was a couple of months old. She didn't return to Pakistan until after the distribution of her first book of sonnets, The Country behind me, from which this sonnet comes. The artist says: 'Presents from My Aunts... was one of the primary sonnets I composed - when I composed this sonnet I hadn't really been returned to Pakistan. The young lady in the sonnet would be me at around thirteen. The garments appear to adhere to her in an awkward manner, somewhat like a sort of bogus skin, and she figures things aren't clear for her. I discovered it was critical to compose the Pakistan sonnets since I was connecting with my experience. Also, perhaps there's somewhat of a message behind the sonnets about something I experienced, that I need to perhaps open a couple of entryways if conceivable.' Topic What is Presents from my Aunts in Pakistan about? * The speaker in the sonnet, who is of blended race, portrays the blessings of garments and gems sent to her in England by her Pakistani family members. * She is attracted to the perfection of these things, yet feels ungainly wearing them. She feels progressively good in English garments - denim and corduroy. * She differentiates the delightful garments and gems of India with exhausting English cardigans/from Marks and Spencer. * She attempts to recall what it resembled for her family to venture out to Britain. * Her insight into her origin, which she left as an infant, comes to her just through old photos and paper reports. * She attempts to envision what that world may resemble. Glossary Sa... ...n Hatfield around then, of a blended race foundation or to be sure from some other race, so I felt there was somewhat of a clear drawn over that. I think I had a decently normally English 50s/60s childhood. At the point when I in the long run went to Pakistan I unquestionably didn't feel that was home, I'd never felt so English. However, I never feel completely comfortable in Britain, and obviously I'm not part of the Asian people group by any means. What's more, it feels somewhat odd some of the time that as a result of the gathering of sonnets that I've expounded on my Asian foundation, I in some cases will in general be recognized as a dark author. I will in general consider England being very socially blended at this point. In any case, it's critical to know where you originate from, which is maybe what I was missing as a youngster. I believe it's critical to recognize what has gone into your creation, even very far back, I think it gives you a sense maybe of lavishness.'

How The Simpsons Affects Kids Essays - The Simpsons,

How The Simpsons Affects Kids The Simpsons is one of Americas most well known TV programs. It positions as the main TV program for watchers under eighteen years old. In any case, the beliefs that The Simpsons passes on are not constantly healthy, in some cases not even in great taste. It is unavoidable that The Simpsons is influencing kids. Matt Groening took up attracting to escape from his difficulties in 1977. At that point, Groening was working for the L.A. Peruser, a free week by week paper. He started chipping away at Life in Hell, a diverting comic strip comprising of individuals with bunny ears. The L.A. Peruser got a duplicate of his funny cartoon and enjoyed what they saw. Life in Hell step by step turned into a typical funny cartoon in many free weeklies and school papers the nation over. It even built up a clique status. (Varhola, 1) Life in Hell drew the consideration of James L. Streams, maker of works, for example, Taxi, The Mary Tyler Moore Show, and Terms of Charm. Streams initially needed Groening to make a vivified pilot of Life in Hell. Groening decided not to do as such in dread of loosing sovereignties from papers that printed the strip. Groening introduced Creeks with an overweight, going bald dad, a mother with a blue colony haircut, and three upsetting spiky haired kids. Groening planned for them to speak to the regular American family who love one another and make each other insane. Groening named the characters after his own family. His folks were named Homer and Margaret and he had two more youthful sisters named Lisa and Maggie. Bart was a re-arranged word for imp. Groening picked the last name Simpson to seem like the run of the mill American family name. (Varhola, 2) Creeks chose to put the 30 or 60 second activitys on between dramas on The Tracy Ullman Show on the fruitless Fox organize. Cast individuals Dan Castellaneta and Julie Kavner did the voices of Homer and Marge. Yeardley Smith (later to star in Herman's Head) did the voice of Lisa. Nancy Cartwright did the voice of Bart. Cartwright recently provided the voices for some, kid's shows, including Cosmic system High, Fantastic Max, Richie Rich, Snorks, Pound Puppies, My Little Pony, and Glo-Friends. Tracy Ullman later added Cartwright to her cast. (Dale and Trich, 11) Creeks, Groening, and Sam Simon, Tracy Ullman's maker, needed to transform the Simpson family into their own show. The Fox organize was searching for material to speak to more youthful watchers. The just show they had that drew a youthful crowd was Married With Youngsters. To Fox's pleasure, The Simpsons spared the system from close disappointment. (Varhola, 3) On December 17, 1989, The Simpsons got their break. The Christmas uncommon, Simpsons Roasting on an Open Fire broadcast. (Dale furthermore, Trich, 19) In the scene, Bart got a tattoo, a lot to Marge's disdain. She immediately went through the entirety of the family's Christmas cash to evacuate Bart's tattoo with a laser. Simultaneously, Homer, still on his morning short breather at 4:00 toward the evening, discovers that he will not get a Christmas reward. At the point when he discovers that Marge is depending on target for Christmas, he concludes that he will do the Christmas looking for the year. He rapidly purchases Marge undies hose, Bart paper, Lisa colored pencils, and Maggie a canine toy. At the point when he understands that he isn't doing well indeed, he finds a second line of work as a shopping center Santa for the extra cash. In transit home from work, he takes a Christmas tree. The following day at the shopping center, Bart sits on his Dad's lap and pulls down his facial hair. Homer reacts by gagging Bart and making him help make Christmas better. On Christmas Eve, Homer gets his check, $13.70 for more than 40 hours work. Homer takes Bart to the canine track as a last chance for Christmas cash. They found a pearl in the third race, Santa Clause's Little Helper. How could this canine lose on Christmas Eve? The chances were 99 to 1, they would have been rich. Homer put the entirety of his cash on Santa's Little Helper, and regrettably, he never at any point wrapped up. As Homer and Bart were scouring the parking garage for winning tickets into the night, they saw the track administrator toss

Buy a Book Report Online

Buy a Book Report Online How to Write a Book Report College Level Home›Education Posts›How to Write a Book Report College Level Education PostsWriting a book report for college might be different from the reports you used to write at high school. If you want to know how to write a book report college level, you are just at the right place â€" read on the article and find out what a premium-quality book report looks like.While at high school, you were more likely to write a summative task, in college you will be required not only to summarize the book but also provide a critical review (thus applying your analytical skills).Tips on how to write a book report college level:Prepare a summaryTo properly summarize the book and not to overlook any important details, you must read it. It might be really tempting to browse the Internet and find some brief narrations or reviews, but, believe me, your professor will detect it straightaway. With such approach, you won’t be able to provide an efficient book repor t.When you summarize the main ideas of the book, make sure you do it briefly and concisely. Do not delve too much into plot narration and description of all the events that happened to the main characters. Remember that your core part of the book review should be devoted to critical analysis. Just make sure you provide the most important information that will help the reader understand in general what you will write about. Some professors do not require a book summary in your book review at all, especially if it expected that your target audience has read the book under analysis.Switch over to the book analysisThe analysis should be the main part of the book review. Apart from providing facts from the book and narrating what you have read about, you need to logically organize your thoughts regarding the core events, symbols, motifs, characters’ interactions, etc. and provide a critical analysis. When providing the analysis, keep in mind that you won’t be able to properly cover a ll the aspects present in the book. Therefore, choose 2-3 most significant aspects that you would like to pay attention to and analyze them closely and in detail. It is recommended that you also include personal reflection or opinion. It is really important when you provide book evaluation.Going beyond the scope of the bookThis paper section is optional depending on the paper requirements, but if your professor has included this assignment into your paper description, you should definitely pinpoint how the book relates to some of the pressing issues of the modern world. When relating the book to the outside world, make sure you provide illustrative examples.Writing a conclusionMake sure you reiterate the main ideas that are worth readers’ consideration. Still, make sure you do not restate the events from the book â€" rather focus on what the analysis helped you learn or highlight. 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So, probably you want to buy book reports from our service?Sure, you may think that it’s not worth the money paid as you can search some information in Wikipedia, Cliff Notes or Spark Notes, but the thing is that your professor will detect this “rewriting” straightaway. Professors have years of experience in academic writing and it is perfectly obvious to them when the analysis is conducted by a student and when it is taken from online sources.How to do a book report without spending too much time and effort? Buy the book report from our writing service! We guarantee that you will be fully satisfied with the final result. When buying a book report from us, you will enjoy the following benefits:You will receive a plagiarism-free book reportWe provide our customers with a guarantee that they will receive original papers that are thus free from plagiarism. Our writers provide each paper according to individual requirements and make sure proper research is conducted. 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Napoleon Bonaparte and The Legacy of the French revolution...

Founded on three fundamental principles of equality, fraternity and liberty, the French revolution spanned from 1789-1799. The revolution was a historical world landmark for the massive bloodshed and intensity of the revolution. The country was torn apart by political and religious turmoil which had persisted for over a decade. The revolution began due to the resentment of feudalism, civil inequality and religious intolerance that was present in France. The people of the revolution wanted France to establish a new political and social system where all people could enjoy equality, and pushed for government centralization, abolition of feudalism, religious tolerance and equality in the access to different careers. It was a struggle against†¦show more content†¦Napoleon’s reign was founded on a republic democracy where the voice of the citizens could be heard and where every citizen had a say. His Rein sought to unravel a social revolution that would be the pathway to t he achievements of fraternity and equality for all French citizens. In the advent of his reign, Napoleon’s regime managed to abolish and suppress feudalism which was highly resented. The access to careers was now open to everyone who had the ability and desire to practice in a particular field regardless of social status. The assignment of careers was no longer based on if you were nobility or not but all people were considered for any opportunity from the same platform with no one having an advantage over someone because of their family name. Napoleon’s administrative debut brought to an end to this treacherous era and managed to create a platform for the desired order and stability in and attempt to unite France. The success of any country is based largely on the unity of its members. â€Å"Napoleon attempted to unify every group in France: the à ©migrà ©s and the revolutionaries, serving as an immediate mediator between the pre and post-revolutionary France. The reforms by Napoleon were all inherited from the revolution and consolidated in the country. By meting out theShow MoreRelatedThe Legacy Of Napoleon Bonaparte And The French Revolution1107 Words   |  5 PagesNapoleon Bonaparte was a military general and the an emperor of France who is now considered one of the worlds greatest and one of the world’s most controversial military leaders. Napoleon revolutionized military organization, sponsored the Napoleonic Code, and also reorganized education and established the long-lived Napoleon code with the papacy. (pbs.org, nov 27, 2016) Napoleon’s many reformations left a lasting mark on the institutions of France and of much of western Europe. But his drivingRead MoreThe French Revolution: Napoleon Essay954 Words   |  4 Pages The French Revolution was a period of social and political turmoil in France from 1789 to 1799 that greatly affected modern and French history. It marked the decline of powerful monarchies and the rise of democracy, individual rights and nationalism. This revolution came with many consequences because of the strive for power and wealth, but also had many influential leaders attempting to initiate change in the French government and the economy. In 1789 the people of France dismissed King Louis XVIRead MoreThe Mistakes of the Brilliant General, Napoleon Bonaparte Essays1026 Words   |  5 PagesThe assumption held by many that Napoleon Bonaparte was a brilliant general and an exceptional leader is debatable when the Frenchman’s many mistakes are revealed. Bonaparte was born to a wealthy family with previous political connections (Wilde 1). He entered a military academy at only nine years old and entered the French Army Artillery Regiment seven years later (Wilde 1). As Bonaparte moved up in the military ranks, he made himself known with his political opinions and his successful leadershipRead MoreWas Napoleon the Child of the Revolution?1319 Words   |  6 Pages1769, Napoleon Bonaparte, the son of a poor Corsican noble was born and so began the legend of Napoleon Bonaparte. Many ask to this day, Was Napoleon a child of the revolution? What Napoleon achieved and gave to the world after the French Revolution had been won truly gave the world a new sight of mind. To first determine that Napoleon was in fact a child of the revolution you must first look at both sides of the argument. You must first ask yourself, what one means by the Revolution. InRead MoreNapoleon Bonaparte A Hero Or A Villain?1624 Words   |  7 Pagesin the fact that Napoleon Bonaparte was a significant character in France. However, there have been debates among historians for years around the central question: â€Å"Was Napoleon Bonaparte a hero or a villain?† The answer here relies on how one looks upon the situation. Was Napoleon Bonaparte a savior to the French, or was he a tyrant to the French? Although many historians’ answers do rely deeply onto perspective, their answers also lie within which stage of life Napoleon Bonaparte was in, as wellRead MoreNapoleon Bonaparte : The Downfall Of The French Revolution702 Words   |  3 Pages Napoleon Bonaparte was a military leader whose fame reached his peak in the French Revolution. He would serve as t he Emperor of France from 1804-1814; He would resume this role in 1815 during the Hundred Days. He would become one of the most successful emperors in all of France and world history. He would win many wars and build a huge empire that ruled across Europe. His legacy has been analyzed by historians and learned by students in modern time. Napoleon Bonaparte was born on AugustRead MoreNapoleon s Accomplishments And Life Story1333 Words   |  6 Pagesstature, Napoleon Bonaparte’s accomplishments and life story are gigantic in comparison. Even though some of Napoleon’s actions were autocratic, his ability to move his country forward was incredible. There are more books written about Napoleon than any other historical figure in the world; more than Julius Caesar, Muhammad, and even Jesus Christ. (Markham) Napoleon came to power at a perfect opportunistic time because France was in need of a new ruler to guide their country after the French RevolutionRead MoreRollercoaster of Arts and Architecture Brought About by Napolean Bonaparte1083 Words   |  5 Pagesbecause of the rule of Napoleon Bonaparte. Soon enough art would become a way for people, (even those without high-level education) to express themselves. The new styles of architecture and visual arts that Napoleon introduced in France sparked new eras of art like Romanticism that he used to make himself popular; it caused Napoleon to be noticed, not just because of his military conquests, but also because of his artistic vision and innovation. The rule of Napoleon Bonaparte was spectacular becauseRead MoreWas Napoleon Bonaparte a Hero or a Villain? Essays1354 Words   |  6 PagesWas Napoleon Bonaparte a hero or a villain? During the Napoleonic Era, from 1799 to 1815, France became a military power gaining and controlling land throughout Europe. While some historians believe Napoleon Bonaparte was a ruthless dictator, his military accomplishments far outweigh any atrocities he committed. He helped France gain stability after the French Revolution and he also abolished the Feudal contract. Napoleon was a brilliant strategist using military tactics to cause fear and toRead More Napoleon Betrayed the Revolution Essay1320 Words   |  6 PagesNapoleon Betrayed the Revolution In order to investigate the claim that ‘Napoleon betrayed the revolution’, it has to be determined what is the French revolution? And what are the revolutionary ideals that Napoleon allegedly betrayed? If Napoleon betrayed the Revolution then he betrayed the ideals of liberty, equality and fraternity. However if Napoleon did not betray the revolution, he consolidated the revolutionary ideals. The only way of determining whether Napoleon consolidated or betrayed

Effects Of Depression On The Elderly - 1721 Words

After the loss of a loved one, people experience a period of grief that usually includes unpleasant thoughts, emotional distress, and withdrawal from normal daily activities. These unstable emotions can be a sign of depression. Depression can be treated by medication, support, therapy and leisure activities. Issues Caring for the Elderly After the loss of Georges’ wife, bereavement or normal grief would be considered normal. Bereavement usually decreases after one to two years and may return around holidays or special occasions. Although grieving after the loss of a loved one is normal, George is also showing signs of abnormal grief which such as poor grooming, not wanting to interact with his grandchildren who love him so much and†¦show more content†¦Although confidentiality is vital to building a trusting relationship with George, there may be measures that require George’s information, protecting as much as possible, to be released. For an example, when confidentiality would cause serious harm to the George or others, when agency guidelines state otherwise, or under other stated conditions (e.g., local, state, or federal laws). George would be informed at the beginning of the counseling relationship of those areas that limit professional confidentiality (Corey, 2011). George is covered under Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPPA). Michael, Georges’ son, brought him into the agency to seek therapy and HIPAA will not allow Michael to be in the room without George’s written and signed consent. George’s personal information and conversations are confidential not unless otherwise stated by a judge that George is incompetent and Michael has power of attorney outlining what he can do that will be in the best interest of his father (Corey, 2011). Initial Treatment Goals George shows signs of having emotional problems that he has expressed. Some signs are feelings of abandonment and detachment and depression. He had no prior history of depression but when George was a child his father

Pablo Ruiz Picasso and Frida Kahlo Free Essays

â€Å"It is difficult to get a sense of an artist’s practice on the basis of one work† (Art world Magazine) The works of both Picasso and Kahlo are recognised worldwide and are typified by their unique styles that portray their expressive meaning, both artists worked in the modern art movement of Surrealism fusing the dream world with reality. Their lives were intrinsically linked to their conceptual frameworks which related to world events, politics and life experiences. Both artists explore a variety of concepts through their works and it is difficult to know the artist’s practice on the basis of one work this is why exploring a series of works helps to get a clearer understanding of how the artists works and how their conceptual framework relates to the artists practice. We will write a custom essay sample on Pablo Ruiz Picasso and Frida Kahlo or any similar topic only for you Order Now Picasso worked in the surrealist/cubist movement and was known for his works that portrayed his views on life experiences and world events. Examples of this in his diverse range of works would be his masterpiece titled â€Å"Guernica† Oil on canvas 349 cm ? 776 cm (137. 4 in ? 305. 5 in) (1937). Picasso’s purpose in painting it was to bring the world’s attention to the bombing of the Basque town of Guernica by German bombers, who were supporting the Nationalist forces of General Franco during the Spanish Civil War. This artwork deals with the subjective frame because it uses the artwork as a conduit for the artist’s experience, as the artwork is intrinsically linked to deeply felt emotional experiences. Although Picasso was austere about how his works should be viewed saying â€Å"I object to the idea that there should be three or four ways of interpreting my pictures there ought to be no more than one†. This is evident through his reoccurring symbolism and motifs used in his body of work known as the Blue period (1901–1904) which consisted of somber paintings using dark blue tones with the subject matter referring to the wretchedness and loneliness of women, these works were motivated by the suicide of his close friend Carlos Casagemas. Picasso’s painting â€Å"Self-portrait with Cloak† Oil on canvas 81 x 60 cm (1901) is an example of the work produced in the Blue period. The painting is similar to a Van Gough style portrait as it shows him wearing a dark coat; the colours of the painting coincide with the theme of blue and depression, which allows the viewer to relate to his personal state of mind. Following the blue period came the Rose period (1904-1906), this period contrasted drastically to the blue period with vibrant colours such as orange and pink, the subject matter changed as well consisting of circus performers, harlequins and acrobats. A example of the works in this is period is (Boy with a Pipe), 1905 Oil on canvas, 100 ? 81. cm. This vivid work depicts a Parisian boy holding a pipe in his left hand and wearing a wreath of flowers. Picasso’s conceptual framework was quite diverse and changed over periods of time; he created a diverse array of works linking life experiences, an example of this would be the transition from the somber, depressing blue period which reflected his personal state at that time to the upbeat and cheerful ro se period contained vibrant colours reflecting his newfound happiness in life. This evolution of works shows us that you cannot get sense of his artist practice on the basis of one work. Frida Kahlo is another surrealist artist Mexican culture is prominent in her works. She works in the†I paint myself because I am so often alone and because I am the subject I know best† (Frida Kahlo) this statement shows how the structural frame influences her work and describes her form of painting self portraits. Her artists practice involves exploration of identity as you can follow the development of her subject matter through her extensive production of self portraits. Although her form is limited to self portraits her artists practice cannot be identified on the basis of one painting, her works depict her journey through life like an autobiography. One of the defining moments of her life was when she was 18 and got in a serious car accident, she was permanently disabled, an example of Frida using her work to express her life experiences would be the painting titledâ€Å"The Bus†. 929. Oil on canvas. 26 x 56 cm. The painting depicts various classes in Mexican society and also makes reference to the accident that occurred that changed her life. Her use of self portraits helps to depict the evolution of herself throughout life, this is shown through her portraits such as The Two Fridas, 1939, Oil on canvas, 67†³ x 67. This portrait was painted after her divorce to Diego Rivera sh ows the emotional separation felt after their separation. How to cite Pablo Ruiz Picasso and Frida Kahlo, Papers

Social Facts Essay Example

Social Facts Essay A. Social Facts Durkheim defined social facts as things external to, and coercive of, the actor. These are created from collective forces and do not emanate from the individual (Hadden, p. 104). While they may not seem to be observable, social facts are things, and are to be studied empirically, not philosophically (Ritzer, p. 78). They cannot be deduced from pure reason or thought, but require a study of history and society in order to observe their effects and understand the nature of these social facts. In The Rules of Sociological Method, Durkheim begins by noting features such as the following (quote 3): Social Facts. When I fulfil my obligations as brother, husband, or citizen, when I execute my contracts, I perform duties which are defined, externally to myself and my acts, in law and in custom. Even if they conform to my own sentiments and I feel their reality subjectively, such reality is still objective, for I did not create them; I merely inherited them through my education. (Rules, p. 1). As examples of social facts, Durkheim cites religious beliefs, currency used to undertake transactions, and factors such as the practices followed in my profession (Rules, p. 2). These types of conduct or thought are not only external to the individual but are, moreover, endowed with coercive power, by virtue of which they impose themselves upon him, independent of his individual will. (Rules, p. 2). While obligations, values, attitudes, and beliefs may appear to be individual, Durkheim argues that these social facts exist at the level of society as a whole, arising from social relationships and human association. They exist as a result of social interactions and historical developments over long periods of time, and come from varying collective representations and diverse forms of social organization (Hadden, p. 04). As individuals who are born and raised in a society, these social facts are learned (through socialization) and generally accepted, but the individual has nothing to do with establishing these. While society is composed of individuals, society is not just the sum of individuals, and these facts exist at the level of society, not at the individua l level. As such, these social facts do exist, they are the social reality of society, a reality that constitutes the proper study of sociology (Cuff et al. , p. 33). The study of social facts is the distinct object or subject matter of sociology (Hadden, p. 105). Durkheim istinguishes social facts from psychological, biological, or economic facts by noting that these are social and rooted in group sentiments and values. At the same time, he distinguishes the study of social facts from philosophy by noting that the real effects of social facts are manifested in external indicators of sentiments such as religious doctrines, laws, moral codes (Hadden, p. 105) and these effects can be observed and studied by the sociologist. The study of social facts is thus a large part of the study of sociology. In order to do this, the sociologist must rid themselves of preconceptions (Hadden, p. 07) and undertake objective study which can focus on objective, external indicators such as religious do ctrines or laws (Hadden, p. 107). Each social fact is real, something that is constraining on the individual and external to the actor. The social fact is not just in the mind of the individual – that is, these facts are more than psychological facts. That these exist in society as a whole, over time, and sometimes across societies, provides some proof of this. At the same time they are in the minds of individuals so they are also mental states. We will write a custom essay sample on Social Facts specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Social Facts specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Social Facts specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Ritzer notes that social facts can be considered to be mental phenomena that are external to and coercive of psychological facts, such as human instincts. The individual mental state could be considered to intervene between social fact and action (Ritzer, p. 105). Durkheim may not have provided a sufficient analysis of the assumptions underlying, or the characteristics of, these mental states. For Durkheim the study of sociology should be the study of social facts, attempting to find the causes of social facts and the functions of these social facts. Social facts regulate human social action and act as constraints over individual behaviour and action. They may be enforced with law, with clearly defined penalties associated with violation of the sentiments and values of the group. Sanctions may be associated with social facts, for example as in religion, where resistance may result in disapproval from others or from spiritual leaders. Individuals may be unaware of social facts and generally accept them. In this case, individuals may accept the values and codes of society and accept them as their own. Two types of social facts are material and non-material social facts. Material social facts are features of society such as social structures and institutions. These could be the system of law, the economy, church and many aspects of religion, the state, and educational institutions and structures. They could also include features such as channels of communication, urban structures, and population distribution. While these are important for understanding the structures and form of interaction in any society, it is nonmaterial social facts that constitute the main subject of study of sociology. Nonmaterial social facts are social facts which do not have a material reality. They consist of features such as norms, values, and systems of morality. Some contemporary examples are the norm of the one to three child family, the positive values associated with family structures, and the negative associations connected to aggression and anger. In Durkheims terminology, some of these nonmaterial social facts are morality, collective consciousness, and social currents. An example of the latter is Durkheims analysis of suicide. Social facts can also be divided into normal and pathological social facts (Hadden, pp. 08-9). Normal social facts are the most widely distributed and useful social facts, assisting in the maintenance of society and social life. Pathological social facts are those that we might associate with social problems and ills of various types. Suicide is one example of this, where social facts ought to be different. For Durkheim, the much greater frequency of the normal is proof of the superiority of the normal. Durkheim later modified the notion of a single collective consciousness, and adopted the view that there were collective representations as part of specific states of substrata of the collective. That is, there may be different norms and values for different groups within society. These collective representations are also social facts because they are in the consciousness of some collective and are not reducible to individual consciousnesses (Ritzer, p. 87). The social structures, institutions, norms and values that have become part of the study of sociology can be derived from Durkheims approach, and today there is little difficulty distinguishing sociology from psychology. B. Suicide After Durkheim wrote The Rules of Sociological Method, he tackled the subject of suicide as an example of how a sociologist can study a subject that seems extremely personal, with no social aspect to it – even being anti-social. It could be argued that suicide is such a personal act that it involves only personal psychology and purely individual thought processes. Durkheims aim was not to explain or predict an individual tendency to suicide, but to explain one type of nonmaterial social facts, social currents. Social currents are characteristics of society, but may not have the permanence and stability that some parts of collective consciousness or collective representation have. They may be associated with movements such as enthusiasm, indignation, and pity. (Ritzer, p. 87). Hadden notes that Durkheim wished to show that sociological factors were capable of explaining much about such anti-social phenomena (Hadden, p. 109). In the case of suicide, these social currents are expressed as suicide rates, rates that differ among societies, and among different groups in society. These rates show regularities over time, with changes in the rates often occurring at similar times in different societies. Thus these rates can be said to be social facts (or at least the statistical representation of social facts) in the sense that they are not just personal, but are societal characteristics. This can be seen in the following quote (quote 12): Suicide Rates as Social Facts. At each moment of its history, therefore, each society has a definite aptitude for suicide. The relative intensity of this aptitude is measured by taking the proportion between the total number of voluntary deaths and the population of every age and sex. We will call this numerical datum the rate of mortality through suicide, characteristic of the society under consideration. The suicide-rate is therefore a factual order, unified and definite, as is shown by both its permanence and its variability. For this permanence would be inexplicable if it were not the result of a group of distinct characteristics, solidary with one another, and simultaneously effective in spite of different attendant circumstances; and this variability proves the concrete and individual quality of these same characteristics, since they vary with the individual character of society itself. In short, these statistical data express the suicidal tendency with which each society is collectively afflicted. Each society is predisposed to contribute a definite quota of voluntary deaths. This predisposition may therefore be the subject of a special study belonging to sociology. (Suicide, pp. 48, 51). Durkheim takes up the analysis of suicide in a very quantitative and statistical manner. While he did not have available to him very precise or complete data or sophisticated statistical techniques, his method is exemplary in showing how to test hypotheses, reject incorrect explanations for suicide, sort through a great variety of ossible explanations, and attempt to control for extraneous factors. Some of the factors that others had used to explain suicide were heredity, climate, race, individual psychopathic states (mental illness), and imitation. As an example of Durkheims method, consider how he analyzes cosmic factors, such as weather or season. Durkheim (Suicide, p. 107) no tes that in all countries suicide is greater in the summer months, that no country is an exception to this, and that the proportion of suicides in the six warmer months to the six colder months is very similar in each country. Durkheim notes that this has led some commentators to say the heat increases the excitability of the nervous system (Suicide, p. 108). But suicide may result from depression as much as from over-excitement, and heat cannot possibly act the same way on both causes. Further, a closer analysis by Durkheim considers temperature variations and shows that while suicides increase in number as temperature increases, suicides reach a peak before the temperature does. In addition, if temperature is a cause of suicide, warm countries might be expected to have more suicides than cold countries, but the opposite tends to be the case. A related explanation that Durkheim considers is that great changes in temperature are associated with suicide, but again he finds that there is no correlation between suicide rates and the fact of temperature change. Rather, the causes must be in some factor that has continuity over time. He then notes that the rates are more closely connected to the length of day, with suicides increasing as the days grow longer, and decreasing in number as the length of day declines. But it is not the sun itself which is the cause, because at noontime there are fewer suicides than at other times of the day. What Durkheim finds is that the factors associated with higher numbers of suicides must be those that relate to the time when social life is at its height (Suicide, p. 119). The time of day, the day of week, the season of the year, and so on, are not in themselves the reason for the changes in the number of suicides. Rather, the times when social life and interaction among people are greater, are also those associated with increased suicide. Durkheim concludes this section by saying (quote 13): Four Types of Suicide The manner in which social integration and regulation work can be better seen by examining the four fold classification of suicides that Durkheim developed. Durkheim ends his discussion of the organic-psychic and physical environmental factors by concluding that they cannot explain each social group[s] specific tendency to suicide. (Suicide, p. 145). By eliminating other explanations, Durkheim claims that these tendencies must depend on social causes and must be collective phenomena. The key to each type is a social factor, with the degrees of integration and regulation into society being either too high or too low. (The following discussion is drawn from Ritzer, pp. 90 ff. ). 1. Egoistic Suicide. This is the type of suicide that occurs where the degree of social integration is low, and there is a sense of meaningless among individuals. In traditional societies, with mechanical solidarity, this is not likely to be the cause of suicide. There the strong collective consciousness gives people a broad sense of meaning to their lives. Within modern society, the weaker collective consciousness means that people may not see the same meaning in their lives, and unrestrained pursuit of individual interests may lead to strong dissatisfaction. One of the results of this can be suicide. Individuals who are strongly integrated into a family structure, a religious group, or some other type of integrative group are less likely to encounter these problems, and that explains the lower suicide rates among them. The factors leading to egoistic suicide can be social currents such as depression and disillusionment. For Durkheim, these are social forces or social facts, even though it is the depressed or melancholy individual who takes his or her life voluntarily. Actors are never free of the force of the collectivity: However individualized a man may be, there is always something collective remaining – the very depression and melancholy resulting from this same exaggerated individualism. Also, on p. 214 of Suicide, Durkheim says Thence are formed currents of depression and disillusionment emanating from no particular individual but expressing societys state of disillusionment. Durkheim notes that the bond attaching man to life relaxes because that attaching him to society is itself slack. The individual yields to the slightest shock of circumstance because the state of society has made him a ready prey to suicide. (Suicide, pp. 214-215). 2. Altruistic Suicide. This is the type of suicide that occurs when integration is too great, the collective consciousness too strong, and the indivi dual is forced into committing suicide. (Ritzer, p. 91). Integration may not be the direct cause of suicide here, but the social currents that go along with this very high degree of integration can lead to this. The followers of Jim Jones of the People’s Temple or the members of the Solar Temple are an example of this, as are ritual suicides in Japan. Ritzer notes that some may feel it is their duty to commit suicide. (p. 91). Examples in primitive society cited by Durkheim are suicides of those who are old and sick, suicides of women following the death of their husband, and suicides of followers after the death of a chief. According to Durkheim this type of suicide may actually springs from hope, for it depends on the belief in beautiful perspectives beyond this life. 3. Anomic Suicide. Anomie or anomy come from the Greek meaning lawlessness. Nomos means usage, custom, or law and nemein means to distribute. Anomy thus is social instability resulting from breakdown of standards and values. (Websters Dictionary). This is a type of suicide related to too low a degree of regulation, or external constraint on people. As with the anomic division of labour, this can occur when the normal form of the division of labour is disrupted, and the collectivity is temporarily incapable of exercising its authority over individuals. (Ritzer, p. 92). This can occur either during periods associated with economic depression (stock market crash of the 1930s) or over-rapid economic expansion. New situations with few norms, the regulative effect of structures is weakened, and the individual may feel rootless. In this situation, an individual may be subject to anomic social currents. People that are freed from constraints become slaves to their passions, and as a result, according to Durkheims view, commit a wide range of destructive acts, including killing themselves in greater numbers than they ordinarily would. (Ritzer, p. , 92). In addition to economic anomie, Durkheim also spends time examining domestic anomie. For example, suicides of family members may occur after the death of a husband or wife. 4. Fatalistic Suicide. When regulation is too strong, Durkheim considers the possibility that persons with futures pitilessly blocked and passions v iolently choked by oppressive discipline may see no way out. The individual sees no possible manner in which their lives can be improved, and when in a state of melancholy, may be subject to social currents of fatalistic suicide. Summary. Durkheims analysis of suicide shows the manner n which the social as opposed to the psychological and biological can be emphasized, and how it results in some useful ways of analyzing the actions of individuals. Suicide rates as expressions of social currents are social facts that affect societies and individuals within those societies. The study of psychology is still useful in attempting to determine individual motives and the mann er in which the specific circumstances can lead to an individual deciding to voluntarily end their life. But an analysis of these circumstances should be set within the context of the social currents to which that individual is subject. The method of analysis of Durkheim should prove useful even today. In terms of suicide, the social causes are now well recognized, and any analysis of suicide would have to include these. Some combination of egoistic, anomic, and fatalistic types of suicide may help explain and understand this phenomenon. More generally, the method of Suicide is exemplary in providing researchers with a means of understanding the social factors that are associated with particular phenomena. Durkheim examines patterns on the data in an attempt to determine how social factors can play a role in explaining these phenomena. This might be applied to sociobiological arguments today. The trends themselves are not the cause, but indicative of a cause, a social explanation has to be found. C. Conclusions about Durkheim 1. Contributions a. Social Facts and Social Aspects. These are real things that do affect people. He had a strong structural view of society, and the manner in which each of us is influenced by these social facts and how we must fit into these. Durkheim attempted to see a role for the social as distinguished from the economic, psychological and biological. This can be seen in his view of the social influences on suicide rates, where he takes a wide variety of factors and considers their influence on the tendency or aptitude for suicide. The effect of each of these factors is not a simple connection between the factor and the tendency to suicide, but must be mediated by social factors. In particular, the social factors that he identified were the degree of integration and the degree of regulation. For modern theories of sociobiology, and the influence of genetics, Durkheims approach could prove a useful counter. References Cuff, E. C. , W. W. Sharrock and D. W. Francis, Perspectives in Sociology, third edition, London, Routledge, 1992. HM66 P36 1984 Durkheim, Emile, The Division of Labor in Society, New York, The Free Press, 1933. Referred to in notes as Division. HD 51 D98 Durkheim, Emile, The Rules of Sociological Method, New York, The Free Press, 1938. Referred to in notes as Rules. HM 24 D962 Durkheim, Emile, Suicide: A Study in Sociology, New York, The Free Press, 1951. Referred to in notes as Suicide. HV 6545 D812 Giddens, Anthony, Capitalism and Modern Social Theory: An Analysis of the Writings of Marx, Durkheim and Max Weber, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1971. HM19 G53. Ritzer, George, Sociological Theory, third edition, New York, McGraw-Hill, 1992. HM24 R4938. Social Explanation. If voluntary deaths increase from January to July, it is not because heat disturbs the organism, but because social life is more intense. To be sure, this greater intensity derives from the greater ease of development of social life in the Summer than in the Winter, owing to the suns position , the state of the atmosphere, etc. But the physical environment does not stimulate it directly; above all, it has no effect on the progression of suicide. The latter depends on social conditions. Suicide, pp. 121-122). While this is not a proof or determination of what causes suicide yet, Durkheim notes that the causes must relate to collective life and must be such that these time factors can be incorporated into an explanation. But the explanation must be social in nature, and cannot be simply related to natural factors, these natural factors must work socially, and affe ct some social aspects which are related to suicide. Note that Durkheim s method here is very empirical, and he searches through various sorts of data and evidence to find factors associated with suicide. But the explanation is not simply a relation between these data and suicides. Rather he is searching for social causes or conditions that are expressed through these. That is, he uses data to discover patterns, but the patterns themselves are not the cause of the phenomenon. Rather the cause is social, and the observed, empirical patterns constitute a means of finding underlying causes. Another factor that Durkheim considers is religion. While he does find that religion is associated with suicide, in the sense that Protestant countries and regions have higher suicide rates than do Catholic ones, religious doctrines are not an important factor in explaining these differences. That is, suicide is condemned more or less equally in each religion, and doctrinal statements concerning suicide are all negative. If there is a difference between the two religions with respect to suicide rates, it must be in some aspect of social organization that differs between the two churches. But if this is the factor related to suicide, then it is the social organization that is the cause of the difference, not religion in itself. Giddens notes (p. 83) that Durkheim finds further proof of this in other factors related to social organization, that is, family structure. Where there is more integration in family structure, the suicides are lesser in number. Durkheim argues that the most important aspects of social organization and collective life for explaining differences in suicide rates are the degree of integration into and regulation by society. For Durkheim, integration is the degree to which collective sentiments are shared and regulation refers to the degree of external constraint on people. (Ritzer, p. 90). Catholicism is a more highly integrated religion than Protestantism, and it is in this that the difference in suicide rates is expressed. That is, it is not the religious doctrines themselves but the different social organization of the two religions. As Giddens notes (p. 83), degree of integration of family structure is related in the same way to suicides. Those in larger families are less likely to commit suicide, whereas those in smaller families, or single, are more likely. Over time, various social factors also make their influence felt. Durkheim notes that there was a decline in the number of suicides in all the European countries in 1848, a year of revolution and political change throughout Europe. Times of political crisis, war, and economic change are also associated with changes in the rate of suicide. Each of these great social movements could be considered to be examples of social currents that have widespread impact within and across societies. Ritzer (p. 89) notes that Durkheim was making two arguments. First, he argued that different collectivities have different collective consciousness or collective representation. These produce different social currents, and these lead to different suicide rates. By studying different groups and societies, some of these currents can be analyzed, and the effect of these on suicide can be determined. Second, changes in the collective consciousness lead to changes in social currents. These are then associated with changes in suicide rates (quote 14): Sociological Explanation. The conclusion from all these facts is that the social suicide-rate can be explained only sociologically. At any given moment the moral constitution of society established the contingent of voluntary deaths. There is, therefore, for each people a collective force of a definite amount of energy, impelling men to self-destruction. The victims acts which at first seem to express only his personal temperament are really the supplement and prolongation of a social condition which they express externally. Each social group really has a collective inclination for the act, quite its own, and the source of all individual inclination, rather than the result. It is made up of the currents of egoism, altruism or anomy running through the society under consideration with the tendencies to languorous melancholy, active renunciation or exasperated weariness derivative from these currents. These tendencies of the whole social body, by affecting individuals, cause them to commit suicide. The private experiences usually thought to be the proximate causes of suicide have only the influence borrowed from the victims moral predisposition, itself and echo of the moral state of society. (Suicide, pp. 299-300). Social Facts Essay Example Social Facts Essay A. Social Facts Durkheim defined social facts as things external to, and coercive of, the actor. These are created from collective forces and do not emanate from the individual (Hadden, p. 104). While they may not seem to be observable, social facts are things, and are to be studied empirically, not philosophically (Ritzer, p. 78). They cannot be deduced from pure reason or thought, but require a study of history and society in order to observe their effects and understand the nature of these social facts. In The Rules of Sociological Method, Durkheim begins by noting features such as the following (quote 3): Social Facts. When I fulfil my obligations as brother, husband, or citizen, when I execute my contracts, I perform duties which are defined, externally to myself and my acts, in law and in custom. Even if they conform to my own sentiments and I feel their reality subjectively, such reality is still objective, for I did not create them; I merely inherited them through my education. (Rules, p. 1). As examples of social facts, Durkheim cites religious beliefs, currency used to undertake transactions, and factors such as the practices followed in my profession (Rules, p. 2). These types of conduct or thought are not only external to the individual but are, moreover, endowed with coercive power, by virtue of which they impose themselves upon him, independent of his individual will. (Rules, p. 2). While obligations, values, attitudes, and beliefs may appear to be individual, Durkheim argues that these social facts exist at the level of society as a whole, arising from social relationships and human association. They exist as a result of social interactions and historical developments over long periods of time, and come from varying collective representations and diverse forms of social organization (Hadden, p. 04). As individuals who are born and raised in a society, these social facts are learned (through socialization) and generally accepted, but the individual has nothing to do with establishing these. While society is composed of individuals, society is not just the sum of individuals, and these facts exist at the level of society, not at the individua l level. As such, these social facts do exist, they are the social reality of society, a reality that constitutes the proper study of sociology (Cuff et al. , p. 33). The study of social facts is the distinct object or subject matter of sociology (Hadden, p. 105). Durkheim istinguishes social facts from psychological, biological, or economic facts by noting that these are social and rooted in group sentiments and values. At the same time, he distinguishes the study of social facts from philosophy by noting that the real effects of social facts are manifested in external indicators of sentiments such as religious doctrines, laws, moral codes (Hadden, p. 105) and these effects can be observed and studied by the sociologist. The study of social facts is thus a large part of the study of sociology. In order to do this, the sociologist must rid themselves of preconceptions (Hadden, p. 07) and undertake objective study which can focus on objective, external indicators such as religious do ctrines or laws (Hadden, p. 107). Each social fact is real, something that is constraining on the individual and external to the actor. The social fact is not just in the mind of the individual – that is, these facts are more than psychological facts. That these exist in society as a whole, over time, and sometimes across societies, provides some proof of this. At the same time they are in the minds of individuals so they are also mental states. We will write a custom essay sample on Social Facts specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Social Facts specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Social Facts specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Ritzer notes that social facts can be considered to be mental phenomena that are external to and coercive of psychological facts, such as human instincts. The individual mental state could be considered to intervene between social fact and action (Ritzer, p. 105). Durkheim may not have provided a sufficient analysis of the assumptions underlying, or the characteristics of, these mental states. For Durkheim the study of sociology should be the study of social facts, attempting to find the causes of social facts and the functions of these social facts. Social facts regulate human social action and act as constraints over individual behaviour and action. They may be enforced with law, with clearly defined penalties associated with violation of the sentiments and values of the group. Sanctions may be associated with social facts, for example as in religion, where resistance may result in disapproval from others or from spiritual leaders. Individuals may be unaware of social facts and generally accept them. In this case, individuals may accept the values and codes of society and accept them as their own. Two types of social facts are material and non-material social facts. Material social facts are features of society such as social structures and institutions. These could be the system of law, the economy, church and many aspects of religion, the state, and educational institutions and structures. They could also include features such as channels of communication, urban structures, and population distribution. While these are important for understanding the structures and form of interaction in any society, it is nonmaterial social facts that constitute the main subject of study of sociology. Nonmaterial social facts are social facts which do not have a material reality. They consist of features such as norms, values, and systems of morality. Some contemporary examples are the norm of the one to three child family, the positive values associated with family structures, and the negative associations connected to aggression and anger. In Durkheims terminology, some of these nonmaterial social facts are morality, collective consciousness, and social currents. An example of the latter is Durkheims analysis of suicide. Social facts can also be divided into normal and pathological social facts (Hadden, pp. 08-9). Normal social facts are the most widely distributed and useful social facts, assisting in the maintenance of society and social life. Pathological social facts are those that we might associate with social problems and ills of various types. Suicide is one example of this, where social facts ought to be different. For Durkheim, the much greater frequency of the normal is proof of the superiority of the normal. Durkheim later modified the notion of a single collective consciousness, and adopted the view that there were collective representations as part of specific states of substrata of the collective. That is, there may be different norms and values for different groups within society. These collective representations are also social facts because they are in the consciousness of some collective and are not reducible to individual consciousnesses (Ritzer, p. 87). The social structures, institutions, norms and values that have become part of the study of sociology can be derived from Durkheims approach, and today there is little difficulty distinguishing sociology from psychology. B. Suicide After Durkheim wrote The Rules of Sociological Method, he tackled the subject of suicide as an example of how a sociologist can study a subject that seems extremely personal, with no social aspect to it – even being anti-social. It could be argued that suicide is such a personal act that it involves only personal psychology and purely individual thought processes. Durkheims aim was not to explain or predict an individual tendency to suicide, but to explain one type of nonmaterial social facts, social currents. Social currents are characteristics of society, but may not have the permanence and stability that some parts of collective consciousness or collective representation have. They may be associated with movements such as enthusiasm, indignation, and pity. (Ritzer, p. 87). Hadden notes that Durkheim wished to show that sociological factors were capable of explaining much about such anti-social phenomena (Hadden, p. 109). In the case of suicide, these social currents are expressed as suicide rates, rates that differ among societies, and among different groups in society. These rates show regularities over time, with changes in the rates often occurring at similar times in different societies. Thus these rates can be said to be social facts (or at least the statistical representation of social facts) in the sense that they are not just personal, but are societal characteristics. This can be seen in the following quote (quote 12): Suicide Rates as Social Facts. At each moment of its history, therefore, each society has a definite aptitude for suicide. The relative intensity of this aptitude is measured by taking the proportion between the total number of voluntary deaths and the population of every age and sex. We will call this numerical datum the rate of mortality through suicide, characteristic of the society under consideration. The suicide-rate is therefore a factual order, unified and definite, as is shown by both its permanence and its variability. For this permanence would be inexplicable if it were not the result of a group of distinct characteristics, solidary with one another, and simultaneously effective in spite of different attendant circumstances; and this variability proves the concrete and individual quality of these same characteristics, since they vary with the individual character of society itself. In short, these statistical data express the suicidal tendency with which each society is collectively afflicted. Each society is predisposed to contribute a definite quota of voluntary deaths. This predisposition may therefore be the subject of a special study belonging to sociology. (Suicide, pp. 48, 51). Durkheim takes up the analysis of suicide in a very quantitative and statistical manner. While he did not have available to him very precise or complete data or sophisticated statistical techniques, his method is exemplary in showing how to test hypotheses, reject incorrect explanations for suicide, sort through a great variety of ossible explanations, and attempt to control for extraneous factors. Some of the factors that others had used to explain suicide were heredity, climate, race, individual psychopathic states (mental illness), and imitation. As an example of Durkheims method, consider how he analyzes cosmic factors, such as weather or season. Durkheim (Suicide, p. 107) no tes that in all countries suicide is greater in the summer months, that no country is an exception to this, and that the proportion of suicides in the six warmer months to the six colder months is very similar in each country. Durkheim notes that this has led some commentators to say the heat increases the excitability of the nervous system (Suicide, p. 108). But suicide may result from depression as much as from over-excitement, and heat cannot possibly act the same way on both causes. Further, a closer analysis by Durkheim considers temperature variations and shows that while suicides increase in number as temperature increases, suicides reach a peak before the temperature does. In addition, if temperature is a cause of suicide, warm countries might be expected to have more suicides than cold countries, but the opposite tends to be the case. A related explanation that Durkheim considers is that great changes in temperature are associated with suicide, but again he finds that there is no correlation between suicide rates and the fact of temperature change. Rather, the causes must be in some factor that has continuity over time. He then notes that the rates are more closely connected to the length of day, with suicides increasing as the days grow longer, and decreasing in number as the length of day declines. But it is not the sun itself which is the cause, because at noontime there are fewer suicides than at other times of the day. What Durkheim finds is that the factors associated with higher numbers of suicides must be those that relate to the time when social life is at its height (Suicide, p. 119). The time of day, the day of week, the season of the year, and so on, are not in themselves the reason for the changes in the number of suicides. Rather, the times when social life and interaction among people are greater, are also those associated with increased suicide. Durkheim concludes this section by saying (quote 13): Four Types of Suicide The manner in which social integration and regulation work can be better seen by examining the four fold classification of suicides that Durkheim developed. Durkheim ends his discussion of the organic-psychic and physical environmental factors by concluding that they cannot explain each social group[s] specific tendency to suicide. (Suicide, p. 145). By eliminating other explanations, Durkheim claims that these tendencies must depend on social causes and must be collective phenomena. The key to each type is a social factor, with the degrees of integration and regulation into society being either too high or too low. (The following discussion is drawn from Ritzer, pp. 90 ff. ). 1. Egoistic Suicide. This is the type of suicide that occurs where the degree of social integration is low, and there is a sense of meaningless among individuals. In traditional societies, with mechanical solidarity, this is not likely to be the cause of suicide. There the strong collective consciousness gives people a broad sense of meaning to their lives. Within modern society, the weaker collective consciousness means that people may not see the same meaning in their lives, and unrestrained pursuit of individual interests may lead to strong dissatisfaction. One of the results of this can be suicide. Individuals who are strongly integrated into a family structure, a religious group, or some other type of integrative group are less likely to encounter these problems, and that explains the lower suicide rates among them. The factors leading to egoistic suicide can be social currents such as depression and disillusionment. For Durkheim, these are social forces or social facts, even though it is the depressed or melancholy individual who takes his or her life voluntarily. Actors are never free of the force of the collectivity: However individualized a man may be, there is always something collective remaining – the very depression and melancholy resulting from this same exaggerated individualism. Also, on p. 214 of Suicide, Durkheim says Thence are formed currents of depression and disillusionment emanating from no particular individual but expressing societys state of disillusionment. Durkheim notes that the bond attaching man to life relaxes because that attaching him to society is itself slack. The individual yields to the slightest shock of circumstance because the state of society has made him a ready prey to suicide. (Suicide, pp. 214-215). 2. Altruistic Suicide. This is the type of suicide that occurs when integration is too great, the collective consciousness too strong, and the indivi dual is forced into committing suicide. (Ritzer, p. 91). Integration may not be the direct cause of suicide here, but the social currents that go along with this very high degree of integration can lead to this. The followers of Jim Jones of the People’s Temple or the members of the Solar Temple are an example of this, as are ritual suicides in Japan. Ritzer notes that some may feel it is their duty to commit suicide. (p. 91). Examples in primitive society cited by Durkheim are suicides of those who are old and sick, suicides of women following the death of their husband, and suicides of followers after the death of a chief. According to Durkheim this type of suicide may actually springs from hope, for it depends on the belief in beautiful perspectives beyond this life. 3. Anomic Suicide. Anomie or anomy come from the Greek meaning lawlessness. Nomos means usage, custom, or law and nemein means to distribute. Anomy thus is social instability resulting from breakdown of standards and values. (Websters Dictionary). This is a type of suicide related to too low a degree of regulation, or external constraint on people. As with the anomic division of labour, this can occur when the normal form of the division of labour is disrupted, and the collectivity is temporarily incapable of exercising its authority over individuals. (Ritzer, p. 92). This can occur either during periods associated with economic depression (stock market crash of the 1930s) or over-rapid economic expansion. New situations with few norms, the regulative effect of structures is weakened, and the individual may feel rootless. In this situation, an individual may be subject to anomic social currents. People that are freed from constraints become slaves to their passions, and as a result, according to Durkheims view, commit a wide range of destructive acts, including killing themselves in greater numbers than they ordinarily would. (Ritzer, p. , 92). In addition to economic anomie, Durkheim also spends time examining domestic anomie. For example, suicides of family members may occur after the death of a husband or wife. 4. Fatalistic Suicide. When regulation is too strong, Durkheim considers the possibility that persons with futures pitilessly blocked and passions v iolently choked by oppressive discipline may see no way out. The individual sees no possible manner in which their lives can be improved, and when in a state of melancholy, may be subject to social currents of fatalistic suicide. Summary. Durkheims analysis of suicide shows the manner n which the social as opposed to the psychological and biological can be emphasized, and how it results in some useful ways of analyzing the actions of individuals. Suicide rates as expressions of social currents are social facts that affect societies and individuals within those societies. The study of psychology is still useful in attempting to determine individual motives and the mann er in which the specific circumstances can lead to an individual deciding to voluntarily end their life. But an analysis of these circumstances should be set within the context of the social currents to which that individual is subject. The method of analysis of Durkheim should prove useful even today. In terms of suicide, the social causes are now well recognized, and any analysis of suicide would have to include these. Some combination of egoistic, anomic, and fatalistic types of suicide may help explain and understand this phenomenon. More generally, the method of Suicide is exemplary in providing researchers with a means of understanding the social factors that are associated with particular phenomena. Durkheim examines patterns on the data in an attempt to determine how social factors can play a role in explaining these phenomena. This might be applied to sociobiological arguments today. The trends themselves are not the cause, but indicative of a cause, a social explanation has to be found. C. Conclusions about Durkheim 1. Contributions a. Social Facts and Social Aspects. These are real things that do affect people. He had a strong structural view of society, and the manner in which each of us is influenced by these social facts and how we must fit into these. Durkheim attempted to see a role for the social as distinguished from the economic, psychological and biological. This can be seen in his view of the social influences on suicide rates, where he takes a wide variety of factors and considers their influence on the tendency or aptitude for suicide. The effect of each of these factors is not a simple connection between the factor and the tendency to suicide, but must be mediated by social factors. In particular, the social factors that he identified were the degree of integration and the degree of regulation. For modern theories of sociobiology, and the influence of genetics, Durkheims approach could prove a useful counter. References Cuff, E. C. , W. W. Sharrock and D. W. Francis, Perspectives in Sociology, third edition, London, Routledge, 1992. HM66 P36 1984 Durkheim, Emile, The Division of Labor in Society, New York, The Free Press, 1933. Referred to in notes as Division. HD 51 D98 Durkheim, Emile, The Rules of Sociological Method, New York, The Free Press, 1938. Referred to in notes as Rules. HM 24 D962 Durkheim, Emile, Suicide: A Study in Sociology, New York, The Free Press, 1951. Referred to in notes as Suicide. HV 6545 D812 Giddens, Anthony, Capitalism and Modern Social Theory: An Analysis of the Writings of Marx, Durkheim and Max Weber, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1971. HM19 G53. Ritzer, George, Sociological Theory, third edition, New York, McGraw-Hill, 1992. HM24 R4938. Social Explanation. If voluntary deaths increase from January to July, it is not because heat disturbs the organism, but because social life is more intense. To be sure, this greater intensity derives from the greater ease of development of social life in the Summer than in the Winter, owing to the suns position , the state of the atmosphere, etc. But the physical environment does not stimulate it directly; above all, it has no effect on the progression of suicide. The latter depends on social conditions. Suicide, pp. 121-122). While this is not a proof or determination of what causes suicide yet, Durkheim notes that the causes must relate to collective life and must be such that these time factors can be incorporated into an explanation. But the explanation must be social in nature, and cannot be simply related to natural factors, these natural factors must work socially, and affe ct some social aspects which are related to suicide. Note that Durkheim s method here is very empirical, and he searches through various sorts of data and evidence to find factors associated with suicide. But the explanation is not simply a relation between these data and suicides. Rather he is searching for social causes or conditions that are expressed through these. That is, he uses data to discover patterns, but the patterns themselves are not the cause of the phenomenon. Rather the cause is social, and the observed, empirical patterns constitute a means of finding underlying causes. Another factor that Durkheim considers is religion. While he does find that religion is associated with suicide, in the sense that Protestant countries and regions have higher suicide rates than do Catholic ones, religious doctrines are not an important factor in explaining these differences. That is, suicide is condemned more or less equally in each religion, and doctrinal statements concerning suicide are all negative. If there is a difference between the two religions with respect to suicide rates, it must be in some aspect of social organization that differs between the two churches. But if this is the factor related to suicide, then it is the social organization that is the cause of the difference, not religion in itself. Giddens notes (p. 83) that Durkheim finds further proof of this in other factors related to social organization, that is, family structure. Where there is more integration in family structure, the suicides are lesser in number. Durkheim argues that the most important aspects of social organization and collective life for explaining differences in suicide rates are the degree of integration into and regulation by society. For Durkheim, integration is the degree to which collective sentiments are shared and regulation refers to the degree of external constraint on people. (Ritzer, p. 90). Catholicism is a more highly integrated religion than Protestantism, and it is in this that the difference in suicide rates is expressed. That is, it is not the religious doctrines themselves but the different social organization of the two religions. As Giddens notes (p. 83), degree of integration of family structure is related in the same way to suicides. Those in larger families are less likely to commit suicide, whereas those in smaller families, or single, are more likely. Over time, various social factors also make their influence felt. Durkheim notes that there was a decline in the number of suicides in all the European countries in 1848, a year of revolution and political change throughout Europe. Times of political crisis, war, and economic change are also associated with changes in the rate of suicide. Each of these great social movements could be considered to be examples of social currents that have widespread impact within and across societies. Ritzer (p. 89) notes that Durkheim was making two arguments. First, he argued that different collectivities have different collective consciousness or collective representation. These produce different social currents, and these lead to different suicide rates. By studying different groups and societies, some of these currents can be analyzed, and the effect of these on suicide can be determined. Second, changes in the collective consciousness lead to changes in social currents. These are then associated with changes in suicide rates (quote 14): Sociological Explanation. The conclusion from all these facts is that the social suicide-rate can be explained only sociologically. At any given moment the moral constitution of society established the contingent of voluntary deaths. There is, therefore, for each people a collective force of a definite amount of energy, impelling men to self-destruction. The victims acts which at first seem to express only his personal temperament are really the supplement and prolongation of a social condition which they express externally. Each social group really has a collective inclination for the act, quite its own, and the source of all individual inclination, rather than the result. It is made up of the currents of egoism, altruism or anomy running through the society under consideration with the tendencies to languorous melancholy, active renunciation or exasperated weariness derivative from these currents. These tendencies of the whole social body, by affecting individuals, cause them to commit suicide. The private experiences usually thought to be the proximate causes of suicide have only the influence borrowed from the victims moral predisposition, itself and echo of the moral state of society. (Suicide, pp. 299-300).